Under Jérôme Bonaparte's successive displays of weakness, Thiers completely let go of his vigilance against Jérôme Bonaparte.
In Thiers' view, all he had to do was satisfy this lame imitator's desire for money to make him do his bidding.
He was too afraid to confront Cavaignac about a proposal that had not yet been implemented, so how could he possibly compete with the Party of Order.
In the following conversation, Thiers hinted to Jérôme Bonaparte that he and the Party of Order would definitely support him.
After Jérôme Bonaparte left happily, Thiers once again summoned other members of the Party of Order: Odilon Barrot and Count Molay.
Thiers told them all about Jérôme Bonaparte's visit today.
"Mr. Bonaparte is obviously much easier to control than Mr. Declato. Our Mr. Declato can't wait to bite us back after the election. It seems that he has forgotten who pushed him to the top in the first place! "There was a trace of anger in Thiers's angry words.
"Cavaignac has indeed gone too far! I heard that he is still working with senior generals in the army to gain their support. That guy Changarnier is about to be won over by him!" The leader of the left wing of the dynasty and one of the giants of the Party of Order Odilon Barrow frowned slightly.
"Some guys don't know how much they weigh when they become dictators!" Count Molay also sounded a little annoyed. Cavaignac's recent series of actions obviously made them angry, and he turned his attention to Odilon Barrow. : "Mr. Barrow, could you please go to General Changarnier's residence and tell him not to forget which side he is on!"
"I know!" Odilon Barrow nodded, got up and went to Changarnier's residence.
After Odilon Barrot left, Count Molay turned his attention to Thiers: "Mr. Thiers, since you think Jerome Bonaparte is easier to control than Cavaignac, then do it Go ahead! As one of the founders of the Party of Order, this is your right!"
Having said that, Count Molay also left Thiers' residence.
With the unanimous consent of the three giants of the Party of Order, Thiers, Molay, and Odilon Barrot, the Party of Order decided to put Jérôme Bonaparte into the position of president and act as a puppet.
In the decades that followed, whenever Thiers thought about this afternoon, he couldn't help but want to slap himself twice.
…
On October 17, Changarnier's alienation made Cavaignac realize that he might no longer be able to rely on the army. Reluctant, Cavaignac once again submitted a proposal to restrict the property of voters to the National Assembly. The National Assembly once again rejected Cavaignac's proposal by 50 votes to 700 votes.
This time was Cavaignac's last proposal in Parliament. From then on, Cavaignac never appeared in the National Assembly again until the day of the inauguration of the new president.
It was on this day that Jérôme Bonaparte entered the National Assembly for the first time as a member of the National Assembly.
Adhering to the principle of saying more and making more mistakes, saying less and making fewer mistakes.
From the moment Jérôme Bonaparte entered the National Assembly, he had made up his mind to play the role of a transparent person in the parliament before the election results were completely settled.
For this reason, he deliberately chose a remote corner far away from the rostrum to attend every National Assembly meeting without saying a word.
After each National Assembly, Jérôme Bonaparte always gathered the Bonapartists together and asked them to report on the progress of their work.
As for Pesini, since Cavaignac threatened the upstream and downstream industrial chain of "Le Bonaparte" under Jérôme Bonaparte, "Le Bonaparte" has changed from a daily newspaper to a weekly newspaper. , the content is much richer than before, and the price of five centimes per newspaper also attracts many users to subscribe to the newspaper, but the newspaper is still at a sustainable loss.
As for Letty, as Bonaparte's gang members were committing crimes in every corner of Paris day and night, the slogan "Make France Great Again" had spread throughout Paris, and Jerome Bonaparte's reputation was rising again. Of course, while Jérôme Bonaparte's fame has grown, it has also brought about a certain negative impression.
The National newspaper once mocked Jérôme Bonaparte as the "paper president" in response to the Bonapartist party's behavior of posting slogans on the street.
The angry Pesini and others wanted to hold a "debate" with those from the National through the newspaper, but were stopped by Jérôme Bonaparte.
Jérôme Bonaparte happily looked at the four big words "President on a note" on the front page of the National, and smiled and joked: "Since my colleagues in the National are willing to do publicity for me at their own expense, , why don’t we just go with the flow! A President on paper is a President on paper, but we have to be more down-to-earth!"
"But..." Pesini was a little reluctant.
"Relax! They won't be able to jump for long!" Jérôme Bonaparte patted Pesini on the shoulder: "It won't be long before it's our turn!"
On November 7, the constitution of the French Republic was finally promulgated despite Cavaignac's deliberate delay.
The Constitution stipulates that the President of the French Republic, as the military commander, enjoys the highest military power, diplomatic power and the right to formulate laws. At the same time, he can also dissolve the cabinet without the consent of the National Assembly... This imperial president's right is only for a term of office. In four years, in order to limit this privilege, the constitution specifically stipulated that the president, as the supreme military commander, could not directly command the army, nor could he dissolve the National Assembly. Once any president wanted to dissolve the National Assembly, he would be regarded as a judge of the country. The National Assembly holds the highest judicial power.
After the promulgation of the constitution, the next step is the final voting session.
Although France is already in the middle of winter, the weather this year is exceptionally good.
Nearly 7.5 million voters participated in the vote, that is, more than 76% of voters participated in the vote.
Although the number of people voting was smaller than in April, these people were enough to carry Jérôme Bonaparte into the Elysée Palace.
After more than a month of voting and counting, the French provinces summarized the voting results of each province in Paris on December 8.
Paris spent another two days counting the votes in each province, and finally announced the results on a small scale on December 10.
Jérôme Bonaparte became the first president of the French Republic without any doubt with an overwhelming advantage of 5.9 million votes. All he needed to do was wait for the inauguration of the president.
This is 400,000 more votes than its historical cousin, partly from Paris citizens and partly from the Rhône estuary, the traditional vote base of Orthodoxy.
The unlucky Cavaignac received less than 1.1 million votes.
Ludru Rolland received 370,000 votes, Raspail received 37,000 votes, and Lamartine only received 17,000 votes.
After four months of presidential battle, it has finally come to an end.
