Come one thousand five hundred and nineteen and show you what a true emperor is.

Style: Historical Author: YuyanWords: 2718Update Time: 24/01/12 15:39:26
Zhou Wei's sudden backstab broke Pan Yongjian's mentality.

From Pan Yongjian's point of view, before everything has settled, you sold out your teammates first?

Pan Yongjian didn't see the signs that Su Yonglin was really planning to take action against them, but when Zhou Wei did this, he directly became a conspirator.

Is there any possibility for a conspirator to survive in this court?

People hate dogs!

He came to the palace gate with a broken heart, punched and kicked Zhou Wei, and angrily scolded him as a capricious bastard. If someone hadn't stopped him, he might have beaten Zhou Wei to death.

Zhou Wei tried to use this behavior to get away with it, but this only increased Su Yonglin's dislike of him.

However, his self-destruction exposed Pan Yongjian's ugly behavior, and also exposed the group of people who followed Pan Yongjian to help the tyranny, and there was no chance for them to struggle.

So the Metropolitan Procuratorate intervened in the investigation under Tian Guizi's instructions, and finally the truth about this special incident provoked by Pan Yongjian came to light.

At noon on December 30, the eleventh year of Hongwu, the last day of the year, a major event that had everyone on tenterhooks for several days finally came to a conclusion.

This political turmoil is an extremely bad political conspiracy event that was initiated and exploited by those who tried to summon the souls of the old era and affected all aspects of the Ming Dynasty.

Of course, Pan Yongjian has completely ended his political career. He was also investigated by the Metropolitan Procuratorate for engaging in conspiracy and manipulation. He has been determined to be dismissed from his position. He also faces severe political punishment because of his ideological corruption.

The best outcome is to be exiled.

Although Zhou Wei was also dismissed from his position and lost his status as a member of the Renaissance, he was not beaten to death like Pan Yongjian because he had some credit for exposing the conspiracy in the end.

Even so, it was impossible for him to continue in politics.

After a conversation with the Supervision Department of the Renaissance Society, Zhou Wei agreed to voluntarily resign, and left Zhongdu to return to his hometown to work in farming. All welfare benefits and salaries were cancelled. All benefits originally provided by the court were withdrawn, and all glory and past glory were wiped out.

From then on, there was no such person in the revolutionary group of Ming Dynasty.

Except for Zhou Wei, everyone involved in this matter was severely dealt with and ended their political life. Some of them will continue to be dealt with and questioned. The border development and construction team will have to add new people.

The conservative-minded officials in various major departments such as the Ministry of Personnel, the Propaganda Department of the Renaissance Society, the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Agriculture were all subjected to political purges to varying degrees. Su Yonglin never showed mercy to his political enemies.

At last count, more than 60 officials had been punished to varying degrees. Most of them had lost their positions and status as revival members. Only a few had been recorded major demerits and suspended for probation for various reasons.

He is still the emperor now, an emperor who is more emperor than the emperor. He can do whatever he wants.

This was the first [blessing] that those who wanted him to establish a prince received.

A ruthless political purge by an old-time emperor.

Don’t you want a real emperor?

Come, let me show you what a true emperor is.

The true emperor not only represents huge interests, but also represents death and fear. Why don’t you bunch of idiots who are so greedy and stupid don’t understand?

Su Yonglin sighed very much.

Compared with dealing with reactionary forces, the series of measures Su Yonglin promoted in political reform have more profound significance.

The strategy Su Yonglin came up with to deal with this situation was the Central Representative Conference system and the People's Representative Conference system that he had already mentioned, which are the main plans for this superstructure reform.

The Central Representative Conference system is to select outstanding civil and military officials with rich political achievements and military merits from the three major systems of the court, the army, and the Renaissance Association as representatives of all civil servants to form a collective leadership organization to discuss major national affairs.

During the deliberation process, every representative has the right to vote. In the final vote, the principle of minority submission is adopted, and a two-thirds majority is used as the symbol for decision-making to pass the Central Representative Conference, in order to make decisions on the country's major policies.

The decision reached by the Central Representative Conference is not the final decision. This decision still needs the permission of the People's Representative Conference before it can be truly implemented and become a policy that can truly be implemented.

The popular representation system is more intuitive.

It means to select people who are hard-working, willing to work, and have certain contributions and reputations among the workers from among the grassroots workers and soldiers such as farmers and industrial workers across the country, gather them, and attend the meeting in Central Capital.

Grassroots workers are the main part of the Ming Dynasty, and the representatives selected from them can represent the views and interests of the main part of the Ming Dynasty.

The People's Representative Conference will become the final decision-making body of the Ming Dynasty, and will have the final decision-making power on major matters such as administrative strategy, military strategy, and judicial strategy proposed by various organizations in the central capital.

A major decision must be reviewed and approved by the People's Congress before it can truly become a legal policy and be promulgated and implemented.

It is worth noting that only the People's Representative Conference has the power to veto Su Yonglin's veto power. In other words, even if Su Yonglin vetoes something, as long as the People's Representative Conference does not agree with it, Su Yonglin has nothing to do.

This is Su Yonglin’s institutional supplement to the one-vote veto system.

Su Yonglin has revealed his designs for these two systems before.

This time, he fully presented his design ideas for these two systems, added a lot of details, and made these details public.

In addition to these two key reforms, Su Yonglin also proposed supporting measures, that is, other organizational reforms to the upper-level political system of the Ming Dynasty.

First, he will merge the Organization Department and the Personnel Department into one, and in fact, establish a new Organization Department headed by the principles of the Organization Department to oversee the country's personnel power.

Faced with the fact that the Renaissance Society had penetrated into all aspects of the imperial court, the Organization Department was the core organization for talent selection in the Ming Dynasty, and personnel rights were de facto returned to the management of the Renaissance Society to consolidate the foundation of the revolutionary forces and form a de facto absolute deterrent to the reactionary forces.

This move fundamentally broke the originally vague boundary between the imperial court and the Renaissance Society.

Personnel power is a very important power for any organization. Whoever controls the personnel power will greatly consolidate the power of the faction.

The Fuxing Society's control over the personnel power of the Ming Dynasty marked Su Yonglin's formal strong involvement in the imperial organization through the Fuxing Society.

This move is of extremely great significance for safeguarding the achievements of the revolution and cannot be ignored.

The promulgation of this decision caused great shock in the DPRK and the Central Government, and those in the Organization Department and the Staff Department who did not know much about the matter were even more surprised.

However, the two biggest parties involved, Zhou Chong, director of the Organization Department, and Di Liao, Minister of the Ministry of Personnel, both stood up and issued a statement, saying that the Organization Department and the Ministry of Personnel firmly supported Su Yonglin's reform plan.

Afterwards, they began to officially let the public know among the Organization Department and the Staff Department to reassure people and let the officials know that they would not be "graduated" but would be offered other positions.

Of course, it's impossible to satisfy everyone.

After the reorganization of the Organization Department and the Personnel Department, positions will obviously shrink. For example, Di Liao, the Minister of Personnel, will serve as one of the two deputy directors of the Organization Department.

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He still assumed his original job, mainly responsible for personnel work at the court official level, and joined hands with Lei Zizhen, another deputy director who was mainly responsible for the personnel work of the Renaissance Society.

The staff department, which originally maintained a high-profile position alongside the organization department, will lose a number of senior positions, which will inevitably have a certain impact on the original internal ecology and cause dissatisfaction among some people.

Although they will not lose their official status for no reason, some people will indeed lose their positions, in fact be demoted, and become ordinary working members of the Renaissance Association.

They will be dissatisfied in their hearts, but this dissatisfaction will not affect the overall situation of the merger and reorganization of the Organization Department and the Staff Department, because the interests of most people are still taken into account.

Facing the tide of reform, a small number of people cannot face the impact of this tide.

Therefore, based on previous political achievements, outstanding people get high positions, while mediocre people stay put, or their positions are lowered as a warning.