Su Yonglin held the rice bowl and chatted with the migrant workers about the little things that bothered them while eating.
Talking here, talking there, constantly changing topics related to their vital interests, and soon they were having a heated fight with a group of migrant workers.
The migrant workers are not dull at all. They are very cheerful and talkative. Some of them can even be regarded as talkative. They chatter non-stop, but the content of what they say is really something.
Su Yonglin talked with them about agricultural production, national taxation policies, peasant association organizations and cadres, and collective farms.
At first glance, this sounds like a small matter, a small matter that only has some personal connection with them, but if it really happens, it will definitely be a big deal.
Just like the collective farm thing.
Collective farms are not yet a national policy.
At the beginning, the collective farms only designated a test area around Zhongdu in the Yanyun area to conduct experiments on collective farms. The test period was stipulated to be three years to see what the results were.
Later, because the contradiction between agricultural labor and engineering labor arose in the Yellow River Project area, and the peasant association could not resolve it, Su Yonglin decided to implement the collective farm policy in the Yellow River Project area.
Everyone's land is a game of chess, a group of people go out to work, and a group of people work in the fields, changing the original small-scale farmer production model to a collective production model. The farm will organize the labor force to uniformly cultivate each family's land according to the plan.
When it was the turn to distribute, the income from agricultural production was distributed according to the work points earned according to a relatively complex calculation method, which was open, fair and impartial, and no one was deceived.
At first, farmers in the Yanyun area felt the same way about this plan.
They didn't quite understand and were confused, wondering whether the imperial court was going to take back the land given to them and turn it into the imperial court's land instead of their own, and they had strong resistance to this.
Su Yonglin asked local farmers' association organizations at all levels and members of the Renaissance Association branches to go to the countryside in an all-round way, and persuade the farmers with kind words and earnest words, explaining the advantages of collective farms and the shortcomings of the small-scale peasant economy of decentralized production.
I have said everything that needs to be said and explained it clearly and thoroughly. As for whether farmers are willing to join collective farms, it will be done entirely on the principle of voluntariness. No coercion is allowed, no KPIs are set, and the farmers' personal wishes are completely followed.
Because the most direct reason for the design of this system is to resolve the contradiction between engineering and agricultural production in the early stages of national construction. As for changing the attributes of agricultural production and preparing for collective efforts to resist natural disasters, these are subsequent goals.
The most direct contradiction on the table is the contradiction between local labor and agricultural production. Farmers want to take into account the irreconcilable contradiction between projects and land.
In order to solve this contradiction, collective farms were established, which was of targeted significance.
In order to allow the remaining labor force on the farm to devote themselves to cultivating everyone's land, a simple distribution system cannot be used, but a new work point system must be created to distribute income.
This prevents them from cultivating their own land intensively and neglecting other people's lands.
Once this happens, the collective farm can be said to have basically failed.
Su Yonglin did not intend to use coercive means to require all farmers to support joining collective farms, because he knew very well that this was an unknown challenge for farmers and carried great risks.
When the Shengjie Army first attacked the local tyrants to distribute land, Su Yonglin had not yet stipulated the state-owned land system. After burning the original land deeds and issuing land ownership certificates, in practice, farmers were allowed to buy and sell land freely.
This is also Su Yonglin's actual experience.
When he was in the Southern Song Dynasty, his family owned a lot of land. He had contact with farmers and knew their common thoughts.
Tell them directly that the land is publicly owned and you only have the right to use the land, but the state will protect your right to use the land. This sounds to them like "the land is not mine, but yours."
From the perspective of farmers, it is nothing to let them use it. They now have the right to use the land, but they do not own it.
And what is the greatest symbol of ownership?
Can be bought and sold freely.
Only by allowing them to buy and sell land freely can they truly feel that the land is theirs. If they are not allowed to buy and sell land freely, then the land cannot be regarded as their own.
This is no different from what the landlords and officials did in the past.
The land is still not my own.
Maybe if you say something today that this land is mine and I work hard to cultivate it, then if you say something tomorrow, this land and the harvest on it will no longer be mine.
Then I still have to work hard to serve the land?
It's best to smash it directly.
Whether or not to support you has become a very debatable question, even though what you do is very friendly.
But the land is not mine!
I want land!
Ancient peasant groups were generally short-sighted and could only see immediate benefits. If the land was not theirs, then they would have no enthusiasm for production and would not support Su Yonglin and Shengjiejun.
Therefore, during the later period of the Victory Army and the Liberation Army, Su Yonglin had already established a state-owned land system on paper, but in practice, farmers were still allowed to buy and sell land freely without official intervention.
This has been true even today after the establishment of the Ming Dynasty. In fact, farmers can still freely buy and sell land to maintain their enthusiasm for production and meet the huge recovery and development needs and military needs of the Ming Dynasty.
Only after joining a collective farm does the land of individual farmers become collectively owned and cannot be bought and sold at will by private individuals.
Under such a premise, farmers should feel that the land belongs to them. In order to protect the land and property they have obtained, farmers will work hard to produce and support the Victory Army and the Liberation Army.
Only by carrying out revolutionary education on this basis, smashing the shackles in their hearts, and allowing them to identify with the Victory Army and the Liberation Army from the bottom of their hearts can the Victory Army and the Liberation Army really be bound to the farmers and become real In the sense of peasant soldiers.
Farmers have always maintained high-intensity support for Su Yonglin and are highly motivated and active in production.
With such a premise, Su Yonglin and Shengjie Army were able to survive the most critical period of the initial revolutionary action, obtain enough food and soldier support, and successfully gain a foothold.
In order to always ensure the enthusiasm of this policy and suppress its negative effects, revolutionary propaganda and the actual operation of putting landlords on the southeastern branch play a very important role.
The grassroots organizations of the Renaissance Association also carried out very strict monitoring of land sales during this period, and conducted statistical analysis of land sales trends in various regions.
If they find that the frequency of land transactions in a certain area is unusually high, they will go and see what is going on in this area and who caused the increase in the frequency of land transactions.
Fortunately, the landlord class in most areas has been eradicated relatively completely. The farmers have just turned over and generally have little money. The land buying and selling situation is relatively simple and easy to control.
Especially after the great purges in the third and fourth years of Hongwu, the landlord class was completely eliminated by the established system, and land transactions in various places in the Ming Dynasty almost stagnated.
Under such circumstances, Su Yonglin began to promote the collective farm policy, intending to test the waters to see whether farmers would want to make changes in the face of practical difficulties.
Once they accept it and the collective farm policy is established, the transition from private land ownership to public land ownership will actually be completed, and public land ownership will no longer be a paper clause.
The farmers are familiar with this engineering system, which is the same as corvee work, and do not find it strange. They even think that workmanship is natural.
It’s just that under the rule of the Ming Dynasty, this job not only provided food, but also paid wages. It was considered employment. It was much better than the previous corvee work, which could not even provide food. Therefore, it was difficult for farmers to give up this job, which not only provided them with enough food, but also provided them with good food. There are also paid jobs.
There is meat to eat and money to take. The tangible benefits are very attractive.
But at the same time, they cannot give up their work on the land and cannot stop farming. Farming is their main occupation. If they do not farm, they will have no food to eat and no sense of security.
The dilemma is before them, and it is difficult for them to choose.
Just in time, the Ming Dynasty gave them a choice.
Collective farm policy.
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