After Kong Zheng finished speaking, Zhou Jiang was stunned for a while, and then suddenly realized.
"That's it! I understand!"
"You just understand?"
Kong Zheng smiled bitterly.
He just thought about it and felt that it would be better for this kind of thing to happen sooner rather than later.
This is a political struggle, an obvious political struggle, a political struggle that is destined to happen. It is impossible for the several major factions in the Ming Dynasty to live in harmony. Political struggles will occur among themselves sooner or later to compete for power.
This is inevitable.
In this political struggle, the Shandong clique has become the biggest loser. This is an indisputable fact.
Kong Zheng was very frustrated by this, but at the same time, he also saw a glimmer of hope - everyone's level of political struggle was quite good.
Kong Zheng reviewed the ins and outs of this matter himself.
The first is Kong Zheng himself.
Due to his natural status and reputation and Su Yonglin's promotion, Kong Zheng soon became the leader of the Shandong officials in the court.
Everyone is reunited around Kong Zheng. Although they all have their own interests and demands and are not monolithic, when facing several other factions, they will obviously still stick together for warmth.
Kong Zheng used his own power and status to gain the most important right to speak among this faction. Although it is impossible to compare with the old clan politics era, the alliance of regional factions still has a certain degree of cohesion.
However, Kong Zheng took on a real official position for the first time and served as the spokesperson of the faction alliance for the first time. He had no organizational experience and no experience in political struggle, so he did not do a good job in this regard.
He failed to restrain the officials within the faction, failed to advance and retreat in unison, and failed to communicate with his friends in a timely manner when he made concessions. Instead, he caused internal strife within the faction and a decrease in his own influence.
So much so that some people within the faction did not trust him, and directly took on the major issue of defeating Shang without consulting him beforehand. As a result, they were punched to death by Su Yonglin, which affected the current overall situation.
Both Kong Zheng and the Shandong clique were quite immature in terms of political struggle.
But others may not do well.
For example, Huo Jianbai, one of the leaders of the Yanyun Department.
This time, the Shandong faction handed the knife to the other major factions to find trouble. Huo Jianbai and Kong Zheng have not dealt with each other since they met, and they will definitely not give up the opportunity to add insult to injury, so he directly expressed his attitude in the table, using fierce words. It reflects a clear intention to kill Kong Zheng.
But why didn't he think more carefully?
A month after the founding of the People's Republic of China, a minister who had just been appointed a month ago was dismissed, and a senior government official was dismissed. So, is it the problem of the minister or the emperor himself?
And is it really good for the Ming Dynasty that the death of Kong Zheng and the destruction of the Shandong Clan would be beneficial to the Ming Dynasty?
Kong Zheng was a self-taught person and suddenly understood this truth.
He understood why Su Yonglin sent Huo Jianbai's memorial directly to the Ministry of Rites instead of disposing of it directly.
The way of government is the way of checks and balances. The Yanyun clique is now a strong party and wants to take advantage of the chaos to kill the Shandong clique in one fell swoop. However, this is not in line with the emperor's method of checks and balances to maintain stability in the court.
When the Ming Dynasty was first established, the balance between the four major forces inherited from the General Affairs Bureau era was also reestablished in the Ming Dynasty. This was a time of stability, and when the Ming Dynasty was first established, stability was urgently needed, and things needed to be done rather than helpless. Endless power struggle.
The emperor can fight to maintain the forces of all parties in the court at a relatively even level, but he will never destroy a certain faction arbitrarily, unless the faction has a bad brain and wants to rebel.
The Shandong faction did go a bit too far this time, which prompted the emperor to take action to suppress them.
But the emperor didn't want to overturn a boat of people with a stick, he just wanted to kill the chicken to scare the monkeys.
Seeing that Kong Zheng was unhappy, Huo Jianbai became anxious and was anxious to kill Kong Zheng and the Shandong Department together, but he never thought that Su Yonglin didn't want to take down Kong Zheng at all.
To put it bluntly, even if the emperor didn't have so many twists and turns, how could he have taken down the Minister of Rites just one month after the founding of the country because of some short-sighted guys?
You can't do this even if you're just pretending.
Therefore, Huo Jianbai obviously made the mistake of eager for quick success.
Kong Zheng thought that if he were Huo Jianbai, he should sing a double act with his assistant.
The helpers came to the table to request that Kong Zheng be severely punished. It is best to depose him. He should also be questioned, even beheaded, and consecrated to the new dynasty. In short, it should be as severe as possible. The number of people on the table should not be too many, but it cannot be less. It must be To impress the emperor.
Then Huo Jianbai himself should go up to the table to defend Kong Zheng, put in good words for him, intercede with the emperor, and ask the emperor not to severely punish Kong Zheng, but to give him a chance to reform, refute those opinions that call for severe punishment of Kong Zheng, and be a good person himself .
In this way, he can win the favor of the emperor and the Shandong officials who don't know the truth. He can also gain the reputation of being magnanimous and considerate of the overall situation, which will help win the unanimous favor of officials from all factions in the DPRK and achieve multiple things with one stone.
However, Huo Jianbai did not do this. Instead, he led his own faction to attack Kong Zheng, trying to beat the drowned dog and beat himself to death with a stick.
This will only intensify the hatred of the surviving Shandong clique officials towards Huo Jianbai and the Yanyun clique, and will also cause the Yuancong clique and the foreign clan clique to be wary of Huo Jianbai.
Huo Jianbai's political proficiency can be seen from the fact that he is quick to talk but loses popularity.
Kong Zheng thought about it and felt that everyone's political level was indeed quite good.
You want the other person to die, but you don’t know the best way to do it.
I want to be straightforward, but I don't realize that the political struggle in the court sometimes does not tolerate straightforwardness.
But we can’t blame everyone.
Kong Zheng felt that Su Yonglin had to shoulder the main blame.
The reason why everyone is so dissatisfied is mainly because Su Yonglin founded the country too quickly. It took only four years from the rebellion to the founding of the country. It can be said that the country was built at the speed of light. This made not only himself young, but many important ministers were also very young.
Young people are quick to do things, do things well and have great drive. They can concentrate their efforts and rush forward. They can solve some things that old people in officialdom cannot or are unwilling to solve, and can make the country strong quickly.
But in contrast, everyone has a serious lack of experience in political struggle.
The liberation army's destruction of the Jin Dynasty was a very violent revolutionary action, and everything was achieved based on the premise of force, so the losses of Jin Dynasty officials were quite serious.
After conquering Zhongdu, Su Yonglin was merciless. He conducted a large-scale public trial and purge of senior Jin officials. Many senior Jin officials were dragged outside by Su Yonglin for public interrogation, the charges were announced, and then they were executed in public.
Many senior officials of the Privy Council, Shangshu Province, and the royal family of the Jin Kingdom were killed by Su Yonglin, and no one survived.
To this day, the scheming masters of power in the Jin Kingdom's Central Committee have basically been killed by Su Yonglin. Even their ashes have been scattered and they have long since ceased to exist. Of course, the exquisite political power skills they mastered have not been handed down.
The remaining people who were included in the Ming Dynasty were all marginal figures at the time or middle and low-level, technocrats, etc. Even if they had struggle experience, they were all at the office level.
This level of struggle techniques is not at all on the same level as the central bosses’ fundamental political struggle tactics.
Under such circumstances, it is indeed difficult for them to expect them to engage in a high-level political struggle when the Ming Dynasty was just a month old.
It is indeed impossible to become a master of maneuvering without having experienced a few more political struggles. Only by experiencing more, making more trials and errors, struggling to survive in the whirlpool of political struggles in the court, and surviving to the end can one become a true master of maneuvering. .
To achieve this goal, everyone still needs to go through a relatively long political road.
Anyway, this time everyone is basically noobs pecking each other?
After pecking back and forth, except for Su Yonglin who achieved his own goal, no one else achieved their goal. They were like puppets in Su Yonglin's hand, being played around by him.
Judging from the current situation, the emperor's rank is obviously an order of magnitude higher than theirs. If they want to fight on the same level as the emperor, they are not qualified.
With this emotion, Kong Zheng shook his head and began to write his own apology form.
