To be honest, this reform is nothing to Su Yonglin's old subordinates. It is neither painful nor itchy.
Because they have come from the period when the Liberation Army was founded when there was not enough manpower for one person to serve as three people.
All of them are very accustomed to the nine-nine-six-thousand-seventh working mode, and all of them are liver emperors.
For example, Tian Guizi was in charge of most of the affairs of the Renaissance Association by himself, and also held a position in the General Affairs Bureau. It was normal for him to sleep between midnight and wake up at five o'clock, and he never complained once.
There was also Lin Jingchun, who, under the arrangement of Su Yonglin, was fully responsible for the financial affairs of the Liberation Army. He had eased the tight finances of the Liberation Army many times, and the hard work he put in was immeasurable.
As for the amount of sweatshop-like labor that other officers put in to train qualified soldiers, it is really nothing special.
But this kind of work arrangement still has a huge impact on the old bureaucrats and gentry.
The treatment of officials in the Jin and Song Dynasties was relatively generous, and this generous treatment was concentrated in the actual existence of this [redundant official].
What can be done by one person has to be done by four or five people.
It seems like a waste of money for one person to work and four people to have free meals, but it is conducive to dynastic rule.
Because these four freeloaders are very likely to be the losers of the political struggle, this system can play a very good supporting role for the losers of the political struggle, so that even if they fail in the struggle, they will not have any hope of life or life. worry.
This is also a continuation of Zhao Kuangyin's kindness to scholar-bureaucrats.
It is this kind of system that has an excellent effect in winning over people's hearts. Therefore, although the exploitation and oppression of the people in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties reached its peak, it still did not affect the rule of the Zhao and Song royal families. Their real crisis always came from the outside.
Su Yonglin now wants to stop this policy, stop preferential treatment of scholar-bureaucrats, and cut off this style of work.
This is a signal, a signal that Su Yonglin will govern the country strictly and evaluate political performance seriously. Whether he is a civil official or a military attache, the days of lying down and eating for nothing are gone forever.
In this regard, except for Su Yonglin's Yuancong clique who are used to hard times and have no opinion on this, the leaders of the three major political factions, Yanyun clique, Shandong clique and foreign clan clique, all feel sad and feel that the future Life is hard.
The official and political system of the new dynasty set by Su Yonglin was obviously based on the principle of "clear powers and responsibilities, and the supremacy of political achievements". He repeatedly emphasized the importance of power, responsibilities and official achievements.
And for this land of Central Plains, which is full of waste and waiting for development, there are obviously a lot of things to do.
Among other things, there are the post-war economic recovery, the regulation of the Yellow River, the development of Liaodong, and the problems of dealing with the three coexisting political powers in the surrounding areas.
These bureaucrats can even imagine their hellish working lives in the future.
At this point, Su Yonglin has clarified the basic official system and power planning of the central and local governments, including the additions and cancellations, which have been clearly determined.
The subordinates of the General Affairs Bureau also had a general understanding of the future country's political system.
Not to mention the military, it has nothing to do with them, and they can't reach in at all.
The main power department of the central government is the Shangshu Province. According to the old custom, the ministers of the Shangshu Province have the same position as the prime minister. However, in the new dynasty, the Shangshu Province only has administrative power. The power of judicial legislation is controlled by the Ministry of Law, Dali Temple and the Metropolitan Procuratorate. Each department is completely independent and is not involved in the administrative department.
Moreover, including the central government, even local judicial powers must be deprived of the power of the chief executive and become independent, becoming an important restraining force on administrative power.
At the same time, the old and new systems of preferential treatment of officials that the previous dynasty had had were abolished across the board. Su Yonglin did not have idle positions. A large number of idle official positions disappeared, and they may be replaced by an unprecedented number of legal personnel.
One more thing, very important.
The Ministry of Personnel was separated out and was stipulated to be directly subordinate to the emperor and responsible directly to the emperor and not to the Shangshu Province.
In short, the Shangshu Province had no personnel power, and the personnel power was stripped away and controlled by the emperor himself.
Just like the elimination of idle official positions, this is not good news. At least the old bureaucrats and old gentry who joined the Liberation Army feel that this is not good news.
Although this was almost the case in the General Affairs Bureau, where Su Yonglin controlled the personnel power himself, the fact that it was formally written into the new country's formal system was beyond his expectation.
This means that in the future, all staff will be under the direct control of the emperor, and they will be upright and do not require any secret operations.
On the contrary, if someone wants to replace the emperor and hold this power, he will need to operate in secret and carry heavy political baggage.
Many people originally thought that Su Yonglin would not seize power so lavishly, and would at least make a show of expressing his attitude.
But now it seems that this is not the case. Su Yonglin's attitude is to take power and do things.
Traditionally, personnel power belongs to the Ministry of Personnel, which is under the control of the highest administrative agency and is not directly under the emperor. For example, Emperor Ming of the Tang Dynasty even said that he was only responsible for major military and state affairs, and he did not need to be notified of minor matters such as the appointment and removal of Lang officials, as he did not care.
But in Su Yonglin's view, he didn't care about personnel rights, so what else could he care about?
The appointment and dismissal of small officials may seem trivial, but they are the ones at the lowest level. If they have small problems, the dynasty will have big problems. If a small part of them fails, a large part of the dynasty will fail.
From this arrangement, many people saw that Su Yonglin had a strong desire for power. As an emperor, he would definitely be a typical strong emperor. He was arbitrary and non-negotiable. Under his command, the life of his ministers would not be easy. .
However, they cannot resist.
Su Yonglin's power did not come from their support, but from his military prestige and the army he controlled, and from his own military talent.
It was he who led the Liberation Army to wipe out the Central Plains alone. It was he who destroyed the Jin Kingdom, seized the Jin Kingdom's land and population, and replaced them. There was no other force to help him.
The Liberation Army was a formidable military force that was unrivaled in the Central Plains, and as the leader of this military force, Su Yonglin had the power to design and distribute the national system.
Others can participate, but cannot make decisions for him.
Is this what the strong founding emperor represents?
This feeling of weakness and inexplicable guilt in the face of the emperor's power is really uncomfortable for bureaucrats.
Being an official under such an emperor is not destined to be an easy and pleasant thing.
But can the bureaucrats who are accustomed to living a relaxed and happy life in the Jin and Song Dynasties bear the weight of [the elegant politics of the new dynasty]?
No one knows this.
But for the main leaders of these factions, as long as the entire situation can be kept under control and Su Yonglin is willing to establish a country and proclaim himself emperor to meet their interests, that is enough for the time being.
Su Yonglin proclaimed himself emperor and established a new dynasty to ensure their interests, which was the most important thing to them.
On top of this, the fight for other rights and interests can be discussed later. The main thing is to meet this core need.
Therefore, this strategy of founding the country basically encountered no decent opposition, and even if there was, it was resolved internally by them.
According to Su Yonglin's idea, this is actually the case.
In order to promote his founding of the country and proclaiming himself emperor as soon as possible, these people can make some compromises and concessions, including his attempts to seize power. As long as he is willing to be emperor, other issues can be discussed.
It's just that one emperor has great power, while the other has little power. And after all, can the emperor manage the country alone without them?
Since they are all so decent and sensible, Su Yonglin will certainly not be stingy about denying them positions and power.
The essence of imperial politics is the distribution and checks and balances of power. The emperor alone cannot do everything. He needs to work together with his ministers to govern a country. Allocating power to them is also an inevitable option.
Of course, given the power given to them, how they use it and whether they obey the law and abide by the law all depends on the individual and the emperor's operational capabilities.
Su Yonglin was also the emperor for the first time. He was not very sure about many things. He could only rely on his own intuition to arrange different political factions into different positions so that they could check and balance each other.
However, while checking and balancing, we should not pay too much attention to checks and balances and forget the importance of efficiency. The government is set up to do things, not to fight within. If the losses of infighting are greater than the efficiency of doing things, the system can be regarded as a failure.
Just like this unprecedented and cumbersome system designed by the Song government.
So after determining the basic system, Su Yonglin began to distribute power.
