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Chapter 337 Common Program – Elders
Next, we will review and read the full text of Wen Desi’s 16281629 Executive Committee Work Report of the First Traveler Plenary Assembly and Ma Qianju’s 16281629 Work Report of the Planning People’s Committee. Because the two reports add up to a very long text, nearly 150,000 words, and the full text has been published on BBS for many days, so I will not read it again at the conference and directly enter the discussion and review stage. Not many people spoke, probably because the report was too long and covered a wide range of topics, and few people would be willing to read it carefully. Criticisms mainly focus on the fact that the executive committee does not pay enough attention to the lives of ordinary people, has long ignored the sexual needs of the people, and the cadre appointment system is not transparent.
The vest noticed that Shan Liang did not jump up to speak, and the people who jumped up and down the most during the parade: Cheng Mo, Sun Li and others did not stand up to speak.
It's strange, are they still preparing a back-up plan, preparing to strike at a critical moment? They are presiding over the meeting while being vigilant.
However, judging from the content of the speech, it is obvious that the vast majority of the public has not read these two crucial work reports - at least not carefully. The questions raised by the spokesperson are still the product of his own perceptual thinking. Ma Jia shook his head when he saw it: This group of people are really too young to engage in parliamentary struggle.
The spokesperson didn't even have basic information about the person he was questioning. He relied on what he saw or even what he heard. He made up his mind entirely based on his own feelings. It's strange that such suspicions can be effective. Everyone talks about the word democracy, but it seems that everyone still has no idea how to carry out democracy.
After being put to a public vote, the two reports were passed with overwhelming majority approval. Ma Jia thought this was to be expected: there was no need to list many numbers, everyone could see the rapid development of Lingao's industry, agriculture and various construction projects. No one doubts the ability of the old executive committee to do its job, and no one can deny their performance. In fact, what everyone fears most is that this prosperity will have nothing to do with them. After the change of boundaries, the most important thing is how the new executive committee can make everyone feel the "common interests".
Most of the meetings on the first day were administrative matters, with little contentious content, and rarely involving hot issues that everyone was concerned about. They were basically "procedural" motions, and Ma Jia wanted to familiarize everyone with them first. Be familiar with the way things are discussed. It is also easy to correct at any time.
The rules of procedure created by people from the Majia and Law Clubs have also started to stumble into practical application.
On the second day, the meeting turned to issues of greater concern to the participants. The first was the review of the common program. The common program has the status of a constitution within the cross-bloc at this stage.
In order to revise this common program, the Law Club not only took into account the work of the preparatory committee, but also formed a special group to take charge of this matter. The group was divided into political and legal, financial and economic, military and diplomatic, cultural and educational groups to conduct specialized demonstrations. In addition to members of the law club, professionals from all walks of life were also specially invited to express their opinions at the demonstration meeting. The non-professional joint program formulation group also paid attention to the division of social components and ethnic groups, dividing people with similar life experiences, origin backgrounds, occupations, and political leanings into small groups, and then identified representatives from this group. Sex figures solicit opinions. And write down the relevant provisions respectively.
On this basis, the drafting group will name the first draft of the current common program of Chuanchuan Group, and publish the full text on the internal bbs for public consultation and discussion to widely absorb suggestions from all aspects.
Most of the clauses of the common program are the basic consensus within the Transmigration group, such as that all Transmigration people are equal and that Transmigration people are more equal than indigenous people. However, there are still a lot of differences, which not only involve the interests of many parties but also involve the values of many people. There are more than 500 people with various values, including staunch universalists, totalitarians, emperors, leftists and rightists. Therefore, during the opinion solicitation stage, people continued to put forward various suggestions and opinions on the intranet bbs. The focus of opinions mainly focused on the power structure, inheritance issues of the transnational people, the status of the indigenous people and the attitude towards foreign peoples. The opinions collected from various aspects on bbs show that the attitudes of all parties are quite opposite. Ma Jia thinks this is not a bad thing - for a semi-rabble like the Chuan Chuan Group, it is more realistic to admit differences of opinion and decide the future direction of the group through public discussion than to force "unification of thinking".
"As long as there is sufficient discussion and the approval of the general meeting, those who want to overturn it in the future can use the hat of public opinion to suppress it," he said.
Because these issues are sensitive and involve personal values, it is difficult to force everyone to accept the regulations without the support of public opinion.
If you want to overturn the resolution, you have to take the path of parliamentary struggle. But this places high demands on people's organizational skills, speaking skills and political judgment. It can't be done by whining and saying weird things in pubs or on bbs. In the future, being an opposition leader will be a highly technical job. The Majia hopes that future internal struggles within the Time Travel Group will be limited to parliament, rather than engaging in street politics like the Maid Revolution and using demonstrations to express their wishes - the latter can easily cause riots and is easily blocked. Careerists take advantage.
After more than half a month of publicity and soliciting opinions, the initial draft was revised several times. From the writing of the first draft to the convening of the second plenary meeting, there were three revisions of the draft in more than half a month, and the drafting group itself discussed it three times. The law club discussed it twice and the organizing committee discussed it twice. It was not until the draft was basically passed through a secret vote on the intranet BBS that the text was formally submitted to the second plenary session for discussion.
The final text submitted was a very brief text and could only be regarded as a provisional charter. In addition to the preface, it is divided into 7 chapters and 60 articles in total, including general outline, political organs, military system, economic policy, cultural and educational policy, ethnic policy, and foreign policy. The nature, tasks and general principles, policies and principles of the Cross-Travel Group in all aspects were determined.
Politically, the Common Program stipulates that the state system of the cross-border group shall be an aristocratic republic. The senatorial class composed of all time travelers is the ruling class and enjoys all the highest political, economic and legal power. The Senate, composed of senators, is the highest authority in the country.
The program reaffirmed the resolution made in the first plenary session: the seats of senators were inherited hereditary by their children. The seat cannot be canceled unless the senator is extinct or the Senate votes to pass a "deprivation order".
Senators enjoy the right of personal protection, and their personal freedom, personal safety and property are sacred and inviolable. Except with the authorization of the Senate, no person or organization has the right to arrest, try, or confiscate property of a senator. Criminal suspicions against senators and criminal and civil litigation with indigenous people are handled by the Court of Honor authorized by the Senate.
All senators are equal and enjoy the right to vote, elect and be elected in the Senate. They also enjoy all the rights stipulated by law for senators.
Legally, there were personal unequal rights between the elders and the natives. Specific to criminal cases: if a senator kills a native, he will only be punished with a property crime; if a native kills a senator, he will be convicted according to the criminal law of the future of the country. Once a criminal or civil lawsuit between the elders and the natives is decided, it is final for the natives and cannot be appealed, but the elders can appeal once.
Criminal and civil proceedings between senators were handled by the Court of Honor. However, the Court of Honor has no power to sentence a senator to death or to declare a "deprivation order" depriving him of his senatorial seat - a resolution must be made by the Senate.
Only when the elders are proven guilty of the following crimes - killing other elders; voluntarily defecting to other forces to work for them; deliberately destroying the production capacity and scientific and technological data of the Cross-Travel Group, causing irreparable losses; declaring independence and establishing their own business - can There is a possibility of being deprived of the senatorial seat and sentenced to death.
Any other charges or charges, whether proven or not, shall not be punished with the death penalty. The most severe punishment was lifelong deprivation of a seat in the Senate. This seat can be restored by the descendants of the senator upon his death.
Under normal circumstances, after a senator is found guilty by the Court of Honor, he can only be sentenced to property punishment and house arrest. During the house arrest, he will enjoy a living treatment no lower than the average level of the senator, and the legal property in his name will not be infringed.
The power of the elders is much discussed among the people. The unanimous opinion of everyone is that in order to protect their personal safety and avoid being "suppressed" or "cleansed" by some careerist one day, or being put on an unwarranted label, we must ensure that every elder - no matter who he is - must protect his personal safety. What is the political appearance and code of conduct - personal safety. Some people even suggested during the discussion that a senator should not be sentenced to death for any crime other than killing other senators. However, there are also quite a few people who believe that if it is too broad, it will lack some legal deterrence, and it will easily cause the elders to do whatever they want.
When entering the discussion stage of the conference, Sun Li stood up and asked to speak. He challenged the last three of the four counts for which the death penalty was imposed. It is believed that the latter three counts are quite arbitrary and can easily be exploited.
"Voluntarily defecting to other forces and deliberately destroying productivity can be achieved by forging evidence." Sun Li doubted, "When the Soviet Union launched a counter-revolutionary purge, many marshals and generals, including Tukhachevsky, The charges, evidence, and witnesses for the so-called treason are not all available. Who can guarantee that someone will commit such a crime?"
