Let's review Wen Desi's "Work Report of the First Plenary Session of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Republic of China" and Ma Qianzhu's "Work Report of the Ji Zai People's Committee". [Read the latest chapters] Because the two reports add up to a very long text, nearly 150,000 words, and the full text has been published in Zhaoshang for many days, so I will not read it again at the conference and directly enter the discussion and review stage. Not many people spoke, probably because the report was too long and covered a wide range of topics. Most people rarely take a closer look. Criticisms mainly focus on the fact that the executive committee does not pay enough attention to the lives of ordinary people, has long ignored the sexual needs of the people, and the cadre appointment system is not transparent.
The vest paid attention. Shan Liang actually didn't speak out, and the people who were jumping up and down most enthusiastically during the parade, such as Cheng Mo and Sun Li, didn't speak at all.
Strange, could it be that they were quickly preparing for a back-up move, preparing to strike a knowing blow at the critical moment? Ma Jia was presiding over the meeting while feeling alarmed.
However, judging from the content of the speech, it is obvious that the vast majority of the public has not read these two crucial "Work Reports", at least not carefully. The questions raised by the speaker are still products of his own perceptual thinking. Ma Jia shook his head when he saw it: This group of people are really too young to engage in parliamentary struggle.
The speaker didn't even have basic information about the subject of the suspicion. He relied on what he saw or even what he heard, and relied entirely on his own feelings to "make up". It's strange that such suspicion can be effective. Everyone talks about the word democracy, but it seems that everyone still has no idea how to carry out democracy.
After entering a public vote, these two reports were passed with an absolute majority in favor. Ma Jia thought this was to be expected: there was no need to list many numbers. Everyone can see the rapid development of Lingao's industry, agriculture and various construction projects. No one doubts the ability of the old executive committee to do its job, and no one can deny their performance. In fact, what everyone fears most is that this prosperity will have nothing to do with them. After the change of boundaries, the most important thing is how the new executive committee can make everyone feel the "common interests".
Most of the meetings on the first day were administrative matters, with little debate. It rarely touches on hot-button issues that everyone cares about. It is basically a "procedural" motion, and Ma Jia intends to familiarize everyone with the way of deliberation. It is also easy to correct at any time.
The rules of procedure created by people from the Majia and Law Clubs have also started to stumble into practical application.
the next day. The meeting turned to issues of greater concern to the participants, starting with the review of the Common Programme. The common program has the status of a constitution within the cross-bloc at this stage.
In order to revise this common program, the Law Club, while taking into account the work of the Preparatory Committee, also formed a special group to take charge of this matter. The group was divided into political and legal, financial and economic, military diplomacy, cultural and educational groups to conduct specialized demonstrations. Those who participated in the demonstration In addition to members of the Law Club, professionals from all walks of life were also specially invited to express their opinions at the argumentation meeting. The non-professional joint program formulation group also paid attention to the division of social components and ethnic groups, dividing people with similar life experiences, origin backgrounds, occupations, and political leanings into small groups, and then identified representatives from this group. Sex figures solicit opinions. And write down the relevant provisions respectively.
On this basis, the drafting group will name the first draft of the "Common Program of the Crossing Group at the Current Stage" and publish the full text on the internal forces for public consultation and discussion. To absorb suggestions from all aspects.
Most of the clauses in the common program are the basic consensus within the group, such as the equality of all people in the group, and the equality of the people in the group than the indigenous people. However, there are still a lot of differences, which not only involve the interests of many parties but also involve the values of many people. There are more than 500 people with various values, including staunch universalists, totalitarians, emperors, leftists and rightists. Therefore, during the opinion solicitation stage, people continued to put forward various suggestions and opinions on the intranet. The focus of opinions mainly focused on the power structure, inheritance issues of the transnational people, the status of the indigenous people and the attitude towards foreign peoples. Opinions collected from various parties in Zhaogang show that the attitudes of all parties are quite contradictory. Ma Jia believes that this is not a bad thing for a semi-rabble like the Chuan Chuan Group to admit differences of opinion and decide the future direction of the group through public discussion. It is more realistic than the forced "unification of thinking" approach.
"As long as a sufficient number of Chiang Kai-shek's speeches and the congress are passed, those who want to overturn it in the future can use the hat of public opinion to suppress it," he said.
Because these issues are sensitive and involve personal values, it is difficult to force everyone to accept the regulations without the support of public opinion.
If you want to overturn the resolution, you have to resort to parliamentary struggle. However, this person's organizational skills, oratory skills and political judgment are not required. It can't be done in a tavern, by jumping up and complaining and saying weird things. In the future, being an opposition leader will be a highly technical job. The vest hopes that future intra-Bloc struggles will be confined to parliament. Instead of engaging in street politics like the Maid Revolution, use demonstrations to express your wishes - the latter can easily cause riots and be easily exploited by careerists.
After more than half a month of publicity and soliciting opinions, the initial draft was revised several times. From writing the first draft to just before the second general meeting. In more than half a month, the draft was revised three times, and the drafting group discussed it three times. The Law Club discussed it twice and the Preparatory Committee discussed it twice. It was not until the Net Team conducted a secret vote on this draft that it was basically passed before the text was formally submitted to the second plenary meeting for discussion.
The final text submitted was a very brief one. It can only be regarded as a "Provisional Charter". In addition to the preface, it is divided into seven chapters: general outline, political organs, military system, economic policy, cultural and educational policy, ethnic policy, and foreign policy. The nature, tasks and general principles, policies and principles of the Cross-Travel Group in all aspects were determined.
Politically speaking, the "Common Program" stipulates that the state system of the cross-border group is an aristocratic republic. The senatorial class composed of all time travelers is the ruling class and enjoys all the highest political, economic and legal power. The Senate, composed of senators, is the highest authority in the country. The program reaffirmed the resolution made in the first plenary session: the seats of senators were inherited hereditary by their children. The seat cannot be canceled unless the senator is extinct or the Senate votes to pass the "recruitment order".
Senators enjoy the right of personal protection, and their personal freedom, personal safety and property are sacred and inviolable. Except with the authorization of the Senate, no person or organization has the right to arrest, try, or confiscate property of a senator. Criminal suspicions against senators and criminal and civil litigation with indigenous people are handled by the Court of Honor authorized by the Senate.
All senators are equal and enjoy the right to vote, elect and be elected in the Senate. They also enjoy all the rights stipulated by law for senators.
In law, there are personal unequal rights between elders and natives. Specific to criminal cases: if a senator kills a native, he will only be punished with a property crime; if a native kills a senator, he will be convicted according to the criminal law of the future of the country. Once the criminal and civil litigation between the elders and the indigenous people is decided, it is final for the indigenous people and cannot be appealed, but the elders can appeal once.
Criminal and civil proceedings between senators were handled by the Court of Honor. However, the Court of Honor has no power to sentence a senator to death or to declare an "admission order" to seize his senatorial seat, which must be decided by the Senate.
Only those who kill other elders when they are proven guilty of the following crimes; voluntarily defect to other forces to work for them; deliberately destroy the production capacity and scientific and technological data of the Cross-Travel Group, causing irreparable losses; declare independence and establish their own business can be captured. Seat of elders. Sentenced to death, possible punishment.
Apart from this, any minor charges or charges, regardless of whether they can be proven or not, shall not be sentenced to death. The most severe punishment was life-long banishment from the Senate. This seat can be restored by the descendants of the senator upon his death.
Under normal circumstances, after a senator is found guilty by the Court of Honor, he can only be sentenced to property punishment and house arrest. During the house arrest, he will enjoy a living treatment no lower than the average level of the senator, and the legal property in his name will not be infringed.
The power of the elders is much discussed among the people. The unanimous opinion of everyone is that in order to protect their personal safety and avoid being "purged" or "purged" by some ambitious person one day or being put on an unwarranted label, we must ensure that every elder, regardless of his political appearance and behavior, Guidelines for personal safety. Some people even suggested during the discussion that a senator should not be sentenced to death for any crime other than killing other senators. However, there are also quite a few people who believe that if it is too broad, it will lack some legal deterrence, and it will easily cause the elders to do whatever they want.
When entering the discussion stage of the conference, Sun Li stood up and asked for comment. He challenged the last three of the four counts for which the death penalty was imposed. It is believed that the latter three counts are quite arbitrary and can easily be exploited.
"Actively defecting to other forces and deliberately destroying productivity. Both of these can be achieved by forging evidence." Sun Li doubted. "When the Soviet Union launched a counter-revolutionary campaign, the charges, evidence, and witnesses for the so-called treason of many marshals and generals, including Tukhachevsky, were all available. Who can guarantee that someone would also commit such a crime?" d! ~!
